By Pamela Kyle Crossley
Four maps during this landmark exploration of the origins of nationalism and cultural identification in China, Pamela Kyle Crossley lines the ways that a wide, early sleek empire of Eurasia, the Qing (1636-1912), integrated neighboring, yet disparate, political traditions right into a new sort of emperorship. Drawing on a large choice of basic assets, together with Manchu, Korean, and chinese language archival fabrics, Crossley argues that distortions brought in 17th- and eighteenth-century historic documents have blinded students to the particular process occasions within the early years of the dynasty. This groundbreaking research examines the connection among the more and more summary ideology of the centralizing emperorship of the Qing and the institution of strategies of id within the 17th and eighteenth centuries, sooner than the appearance of nationalism in China. Concluding with a broad-ranging postscript at the implications of her learn for reviews of nationalism and nation-building all through sleek chinese language heritage, A Translucent reflect combines a readable narrative with a worldly, revisionary examine China's background. Crossley's booklet will regulate present understandings of the Qing emperorship, the evolution of techniques of ethnicity, and the legacy of Qing rule for contemporary chinese language nationalism.
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Extra info for A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology
It is noted in the Postscript, how ever, that the enemies of this particularist, post-Taiping emperorship posi tioned themselves well within the universalizing imperial idioms of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. CONQ UEST AND THE B LESSING OF THE PAST In recent writing on the Qing period, it has become normal to mute the characterization of the empire as a conquest regime. The reasons are vari ous, and may all be laudable. For instance, in Japanese scholarship of some generations ago, the Qing was often classed with other empires in China the Liao, Jin, and Yuan particularly as a "conquest dynasty" (seifu ocho).
Melikhov and others replied that Jilin and Heilongjiang (from the upper bend of the Amur42 to the northern bor der of Korea, including the Qing sacred mountain of Changbai) were not the ancestral territory of the Qing but were merely constructed as such in imperial documents of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; that the peoples of the area acknowledged suzerainty to the Romanovs before the Qing, expressed in their payment of tax or tribute in the middle seventeenth century; and that the area was only superficially controlled by Qing troops after violent campaigns of conquest in the later seventeenth century.
As will be suggested in the Post script, the conquest ideology works in markedly different ways in post imperial environments than it did under emperorship. But across early modern Eurasia, one finds imperial ideology tending toward a universality of representation that depended not upon all-as-one (as many modern re publican ideologies have done) but upon one-as-all, that "one" being the emperor. I have called it concentric in its political cosmology and simulta neous in its expression. Perhaps the most stimulating study (or suggestion of what could have been accomplished in a major study) of the role of conquest in the devel opment of Qing emperorship has been that of Joseph F.
A Translucent Mirror: History and Identity in Qing Imperial Ideology by Pamela Kyle Crossley